Wednesday, December 17, 2008
Edubroderism
More Than Butts in Seats
As a former dean, I was responsible for collecting and reporting “outcome” data on both students and programs to the provost, who then reported it to the appropriate accrediting bodies. I am not aware of any attempt to use the data to inform policy decisions. To use the data in that way would have been completely inappropriate, since we only tended to collect data that was required, easily collectible, and fit neatly into a file for statistical analysis : butts in seats, before and after measures on very elementary standardized exams, student perceptions of faculty, etc. I don’t think any educated person would consider using such data to assess the quality of an institution.
Note how the commenter places contemptuous quotes around "outcomes." While his experience backs up our findings that many places are not collecting enough accountability information, our report documents places where it is being done: The University of Texas System is using Collegiate Learning Assessment and National Survey of Student Engagement scores in a meaningful way. South Dakota is using Collegiate Assessment of Academic Proficiency scores to calculate learning gains for students in their first two years in college. The University of Hawaii-Hilo is using major field exams to test student knowledge across nine disciplines. Ohio is calculating expected graduation rates using student input demographics. A handful of states are using real wage data to track graduates after degree completion. These examples show that it is possible to assess student learning and outcomes across large and diverse higher education systems. States just need to follow these early leaders.
The other thing to note about the above comment is its derision of the current accountability system. Not only was his institution not collecting meaningful data, but they had no mechanism in place to use it effectively. Read our report, Ready to Assemble: A Model State Higher Education System, to see what data states are already collecting and how they are putting it to work.
Tuesday, December 16, 2008
Do What's Already Being Done
In September 2006, the bipartisan Spellings Commission lamented low college graduation rates, rising student costs, and inadequate information about student learning.
But while the report was correct in its emphasis, it was eventually doomed by the federal government's limited role in higher education. If colleges are going to be held accountable, states will have to carry most of the load. About three-quarters of all undergraduates are educated at public two- and four-year institutions, states provide the bulk of the funding for these institutions, and governors and state legislators appoint the trustees and governing boards that run them. If our colleges and universities are to improve, it must be states that provide the leadership. And, in an economic climate where postsecondary education credentials matter more than ever, it is in the best interest of states to maximize their investments.
In 2008, Education Sector conducted a comprehensive analysis of state higher education accountability systems. We examined thousands of documents, Web sites, laws, and policies for all 50 states, Puerto Rico, and the
The results were both hopeful and sobering. On the plus side, states are collectively gathering a great deal of valuable information. Some have developed innovative methods to measure student progress in learning, graduation, and success in the work force. Others are carefully tracking the way colleges are distributing financial aid to low-income students. From research output to student engagement to economic impact, states are accumulating more information about more things in higher education than ever before.
But no state is gathering all the information it could. Best practices exist in isolation, with a handful of states tracking important outcomes that most states ignore.
Monday, December 15, 2008
Time for an Education Bailout? California’s Schools Will Likely Need One
The Governor called a special session in Nov with a lame duck state legislature to address a then smaller gap, and the session ended with no results. He declared a new special session with a new Legislature in December and started with generally the same mix of new revenues and cuts. The political battle is over how much of this gap will be covered with cuts vs. new revenues. The Governor and legislative Democrats (majority party in both houses) are proposing a mixture of new taxes and program cuts, with many differences between the two. In contrast the legislative Republicans are calling for programmatic cuts to solve the problem.
So What Does All of This Mean for Schools?
Schools have been waiting to see how bad the cuts will be. Today’s news suggests that it could be pretty bad. The Senate and Assembly Republican (minority party) weighed in with a proposal that was heavier on the cuts than on the new revenues (here). Combined their plan would address $22 billion of the $40 billion hole. And of that $22 billion roughly half ($10.6 billion) was reduction to K-14 education (K-12 schools and community colleges which are funded together through a constitutional minimum guarantee). In addition they propose significant reduction to early childhood programs. Since this year is already half over, there may not be a lot that schools can do to reduce costs significantly in the current school year, although they better save onto every unobligated nickel. And, while this proposal was quickly blasted by the Governor and the Democrats (here), it is important to recognize that this proposal only addresses half of the problem. So, if the state is going to solve the $40 billion hole, it may take this level of cuts to education or higher plus additional cuts and new taxes.
Why the Rest of the County Should Care.
One in every eight students in the US is educated in California. California current funding per pupil is already below the national average, and near the bottom if adjusted for cost of living. Because of its modest funding and high costs, California schools have smaller staffs than schools in other states – larger class sizes and fewer administrators and other support staff. Take off another $10 billion in funding, and class sizes will balloon even more. At what point does it become a national interest to keep schools from going under. Is it time for the federal government bailout for education? I think this would be a better investment in our future than many of the other bailouts being provided.
Finlandia
I'll start by sketching out what Finland is like and how the education system works in broad strokes. It's a remote and sparsely populated nation. There are slightly fewer than 5.5 million people living in a land area about 80 percent the size of California, mostly near the southern coast. The population is racially and religiously homogenous—98 percent are native Finns and 82 percent are Lutheran. For almost 600 years, Finland was under the dominion of Sweden, which is why Swedish is still the second national language and all students are required to learn it in school, despite the fact that the Swedish language minority comprises only five percent of the population. The country's small immigrant population is growing, notably with Russians, Estonians, and Somalis. Finland has very liberal international trade policies, which is more or less a prerequisite for prosperity when you're a long way from everything and your only natural resource is wood. Labor markets, by contrast, are highly regulated, with roughly 70 percent of workers belonging to trade unions, including teachers. The biggest company is Nokia, the cell phone giant.
The Finnish sensibility is an interesting mix of individualism and cultural solidarity. On the one hand, they're very invested in the idea of equality and seem quite comfortable with the high-tax, high-service Nordic welfare state. Because Finland is geographically and linguistically remote—Finnish is a difficult language understood by few non-Finns—they seem to understand the need to stick together. But that mutual support is a means of giving people space to live their lives in an individual, self-directed way. Our hosts at the Finnish embassy in America said that they were far more involved with their neighbors and local community in the U.S. than back home. Finns tend to be taciturn; the chairperson of the Education Committee in Parliament compared Finns to the allegedly indecisive, endlessly voluble Swedes by telling us that "In Finland, we talk a little while, make a decision, and get to work."
It's important to understand what Finland's PISA test score distribution looks like beyond the world-beating average. Performance in the top 10 percent of Finnish schools is almost exactly the same as the average among the top 10 percent of all OECD schools. Performance in the bottom 10 percent of Finnish schools, by contrast, is better than the median score for the OECD. In Finland, the Lake Wobegon effect is essentially real—it appears to have few if any low-performing schools. And this is perfectly congruent with the aims of its larger social and economic policies--few people get very rich, but no one is truly poor.
Finnish children don't start 1st grade until they're seven years old. But most are engaged with state-supported early childhood services from an early age. Parental leave policies are (as Dana Goldstein explains) very generous, and once parents return to work they have the choice of a receiving a child care subsidy or enrolling their children in municipal day care (the most popular option; we visited three such facilities during the week.) They're not in a big hurry to teach reading, focusing more on play and socialization, but it would be inaccurate to describe Finnish day care as non-educational. Half-day "preschool" begins at age six.
All children attend basic primary schools through the ninth grade, when most Finns are 15 years old. All schools follow a single national core curriculum that spells out what subjects must be taught at each grade level, the content to be covered, and the minimum number of hours of instruction. (This includes religious instruction or philosophy for those who opt out.) There are no formal national tests administered to all students a la NCLB. Nor is there a British-style inspectorate system. However, as fellow junketeer Matt Yglesias notes, this doesn't mean that there's no governmental assessment or oversight. National education officials used sample-based assessments to gauge progress, and local municipalities also administer tests as a means of managing their schools. It just happens in a more low-key, non-public way.
Grade retention is virtually unheard of in Finland, homework is generally light, and after-school tutoring is rare. As I wrote earlier, Finns spend significantly less time on education than most countries, particularly the other high-performing nations. While ability grouping is officially disallowed, the principal in the primary school we visited said they try to give more instruction to high-end students in subject like math. While there are no charter schools or vouchers per se, some parents have options among public schools, particularly in Helsinki where population density makes travel to multiple schools feasible. One principal in a school we visited spoke of the school's music and foreign language programs as being key to attracting students. But since standards, funding levels, and teachers in public schools are generally uniform and evenly distributed, and (per above) school-to-school performance variation is unusually low, there seems to be less impetus to create policies designed to engender market competition.
After ninth grade, the system splits in two. Some students apply to and attend "upper secondary" schools, where they study for three (or sometimes four) years and take college prep-type classes. These students are given a lot of latitude to decide what classes to take (see previous re: independence), and the courses mix students from different age cohorts. Upper secondary students are required to take high-stakes, subject-specific "matriculation exams," the rough equivalent of "A-levels" in the U.K. The results help determine whether students get into the university of their choice—or any university at all. School-level results are publicized by the Finnish media, to the consternation of education officials.
The rest of the students attend three-year vocational high schools, where they receive further education while training for careers. Admission can also be competitive; the vocational school we visited turns away many applicants for it hairdressing program every year. (Hair seems important; one student noted that "Finnish hair is fine and thin, so if your hairdresser makes a mistake the whole village will know.") In one class students were practicing on mannequins while another taught them how to calculate profit margins and otherwise run the financial side of the business. Most Finnish hairdressers are sole proprietors who belong to the hairdressers union. (For those who think welfare states are totally incompatible with capitalism and entrepreneurialism, let me direct you to words such as "profit margins" and "sole proprietors" in the previous sentence.")
The Finnish higher education system has a similar dual structure. There are 20 universities, research institutions built in the classic German mold, and 28 polytechnic institutions where students study subjects like engineering, business and nursing. ("Vocational education" generally has a much broader meaning in Finland than America.) While students can theoretically cross back and forth between the dual tracks, most don't, with the upper secondary schools providing the large majority of undergraduates in both universities and polytechnics. Men are required to spend a year in military service, and it's normal for Finnish students to knock around for a while and not start college until their early or even mid-20s. College tuition is universally free and students also receive a small living stipend while they study.
When asked to reveal the secrets of their PISA success, Finns generally cite two things: egalitarian policies and the quality of the teaching workforce. Finnish teachers are required to get a master's degree from a university in order to get a full-time job. Admission to the programs is extremely competitive, with 10 – 12 percent admission rates overall and a 7 percent rate for the primary teacher education program at the flagship University of Helsinki. A faculty member there told us that applicants came from the top half of the upper secondary pool, which is itself already selective. Teacher applicants sit for a single national exam, with the top scorers moving on to a second screening process based on interviews and in some cases structured teaching observations.
Once they hit the classroom, teachers' salaries are fairly modest, roughly equal those in America. Tenure isn't as automatic as in the states, but all teachers are unionized and enjoy substantial job security. While base salaries are determined by a uniform national schedule, teachers can get paid more to teach in the frozen north or on small islands in the eastern archipelago. Locally-funded performance pay is also an option—in the Helsinki upper secondary school we visited, the municipal government sent the entire faculty on a vacation to Rome as reward for meeting pre-defined (and partially test-based) performance goals. The national student / teacher ratio is slightly below the OECD average, but classes can sometimes be quite large. Teachers are said to enjoy a great deal of autonomy in the classroom—as long as they stick to the national curriculum. "Teachers are told what to teach," one Board of Education official told us, "but not how."
Teaching as an extremely competitive and prestigious profession is obviously quite a contrast to the state of things in the United States. Over the course of the week, we asked almost everyone we spoke with—teachers, principals, ministry officials, politicians—why Finns were so eager to get into teaching. Some cited the satisfactions of professional autonomy. But most came around to some variation of "it's just always been that way." Interestingly, while everyone had clearly thought about this a lot, their historical explanations varied substantially. The consolidated Finnish creation myth of teacher prestige goes something like this:
For many hundreds of years, Finland was a province of neighboring greater powers, first Sweden, then Russia. In the mid-19th century, a new sense of national identity began to emerge, expressed by poets, painters and composers (e.g. Sibelius). At that time, Finland was a very rural society. In every village, there were two important people: the priest and the teacher. Literacy was valued, in part because of Lutheran tradition. So teachers helped Finns become Finns. In the early 20th century the progressive labor movement put a strong emphasis on education and training. Meanwhile, the agrarian movement (now represented by the Centre party in Parliament) put a strong emphasis on the civilization of the rural population. Pro-Christian groups also valued civic education. Many teachers were called to serve as non-commissioned officers in the 1939 Winter War with Russia, a source of national pride. In general, Finnish people understand the vital importance of education to national prosperity and survival, and thus appreciate the role teachers play.
All of which may be true, although as Matt pointed out at one point, many similar things could be said of other European countries where the best and the brightest aren't clamoring to get into the classroom today.
What, then, to conclude about Finland? Despite my recent admonitions, I'm sure that Finnish PISA scores will continue to be deployed as easy evidence in support of various policy agendas. So here are the winners and losers in the "Inappropriately De-contextualized Finnish Education Policy Olympics":
Winners
Teacher unionism
National standards
Mandatory university-based teacher education
Government-sponsored child care and early childhood education
High entry standards into teaching
Teacher autonomy
Losers
Expanded school time
Class size reduction
Strict regulatory and inspectorate-based accountability systems
Increased teacher salaries
School choice
Of course, it makes zero sense to look at things this way. Which is not to say that we have nothing to learn from Finland or other countries; Americans spend too little time considering lessons from abroad. But we have to think about the totality of systems and societies. With that in mind, here's my best guess—and it's a hypothesis, nothing more—about why Finland is so successful and what that means.
In a nutshell, Finland suggests that an egalitarian culture and social policies to match not only make education more effective, they make it less complicated. Or to put it another way: if you know you can trust people, it eliminates the need to do a lot other things.
If you can convince your best students to try and become teachers, for example—even though only 10 percent will be accepted and they'll have to spend five years getting a master's degree—you reap a lot of benefits. Teacher training can be rigorous because the students are smart enough to handle it. Teachers can manage larger classes and work autonomously to achieve common curricular goals. Maybe you don't need to pay them more than a middle class wage (although this is complicated by Finland's very different labor market and compressed range of salaries throughout the economy relative to the American labor free-for-all.) The fact that bad teachers are hard to fire is only a minor annoyance, because there just aren't many bad teachers.
If you provide decent social services and support families with children throughout their lives, then students come to school with fewer behavioral problems, more ready to learn. The high school students we saw were just like ours in many ways—energetic, curious, easily distractable, strangely dressed. But there was an underlying calm to it all that American schools seem to lack. There were no hall monitors, no security guards, and the school administrators reported spending very little time on discipline. The school—and society at large—trusted the students, and the students responded.
All of this makes the primary and secondary schools in Finland good places to work, which makes good people want to work there, which makes them good places to work, and so on. The Finnish combination of social and education policy clearly has many virtues and it's no wonder that many people want to learn from their example. The whole Broader / Bolder agenda essentially boils down to, "If we were Finland, we wouldn't need education reform."
Which may very well be true. But we're not Finland, we haven't been, and we won't be anytime soon. What, then, should we do?
We could start by getting closer. People sometimes dismiss the possibility of learning from Nordic countries out of hand due to their small size and high level of homogeneity. But I don't really buy that. Finland has a lot of empty space, climactic extremes, little arable land or mineral wealth. Nearly everyone is white and the population is dominated by one religion, with most inhabitants living in or near the capital city. But all of those things are also true of Utah; the only difference is that Finland has twice as many people. And the American states that come closest to Finland-level education performance aren't like Utah. They appear to be Massachusetts and Minnesota, both of which have long traditions of liberal policy and only one of which has an obvious Scandinavian cultural tradition. Massachusetts in particular has people from all sorts of racial, ethnic and religious backgrounds. Moreover, there's no inherent contradiction between prosperity and things like generous parental leave, subsidized child care, universal health care and equitable school funding systems. The United States has the 6th highest GDP per capita in the world, while Finland is 20th—but with a lot less poverty. It's not that we can't be more like Finland, it's that many of us just don't seem to want to.
That said, Americans have distinct national values that differ from other parts of the world, and distinct realities to confront. Our individualism is more rugged, for one. We’re huge and diverse, open to immigration, and changing all the time. Our federal system of government limits the scope of national policies. We don't have the Finnish historical tradition of valuing teachers, wherever it might have come from.
This creates vexing problems of timing and sequence. We didn't do what was needed to create good schools for everyone. But we can't turn back the clock or make ourselves what we're not. There's a fair critique of the contemporary education reform movement that likens it to an escalating series of pharmaceutical interventions—you give someone a drug to solve a problem, and it works to some extent but also creates side effects that require more drugs, and so on with a need for constant monitoring and fine-tuning and escalating complication, all at great expense, when all the while the patient would have been much better off they'd never been sick in the first place. But a lot of our schools are sick, right now. Finland trusts local schools to do a good job (while monitoring performance in a relatively non-intense way), and they respond. Sadly, a lot of American students are educated in municipalities (I live in one) that have historically proven to be untrustworthy.
So, I think we need to move full speed ahead with policies aimed at identifying the lowest performing schools and improving them by whatever means necessary, including shutting them down and educating their students elsewhere, along with creating more public school choices for parents. There's little to learn from Finland here, due to the absence of really terrible Finnish schools.
Finland suggests that you can have national standards without somehow stamping all the individuality out of K–12 education. National standards are seen by many as a political non-starter in the United States, due to the clichéd (but broadly true) observation that conservatives don't like the "national" part and liberals don't like "standards." But that's mostly a political problem. There's really no strong empirical or policy justification for having, say, 51 different sets of standards for 4th grade math, assigned to students based on their residence in political subdivisions that were created via semi-arbitrary historic processes involving essentially non-educational events (i.e. wars, purchase from foreign countries, etc.) People speak from time to time about states as the laboratories of democracy etc. in this area, but that strikes me as mostly nonsensical and really just a way of constructing an after-the-fact policy argument to justify not spending time working on a politically difficult issue.
I'm not ready to endorse the Finnish dual-track secondary / post-secondary system. It has advantages, particularly in the (relative) non-marginalization of students who attend vocational schools and the whole idea of career-focused education. But while the official Finnish education org chart has lots of horizontal lines going back and forth between the tracks, officials there acknowledge that few students actually move from vocational education to university degrees. Putting people in their place so early in life seems, well, un-American.
Finally, it really does all seem to come back to teachers. There's a huge push underway in the K–12 policy world right now to improve the quality of the teaching workforce. But whenever someone suggests doing this by raising some bar or another—e.g. program entry standards, rigor of training programs, certification requirements, on-the-job performance and tenure standards, etc.—the response is always something along the lines of "Where are you going to find all of these new people who want to be teachers? We barely have enough now." Teach for America has already disproved this in principle, at least to an extent. Twenty years ago, graduates of elite colleges weren't clamoring to enter the teaching profession as it was then defined. Then Wendy Kopp came along and defined it differently, appealing to people's sense of service and adding the crucial element of selectivity—and thus, prestige. Teaching in Finland is not a high-prestige profession that anyone can enter. Indeed, there's probably no such thing.
We don't have Sibelius or a compressed wage distribution or a tradition of teacher prestige in America, so we're probably not going to get to a 10 percent program acceptance rate—or the Gladwell / Kane model of letting four candidates give teaching a shot for every one we give a permanent job—anytime soon. But I think we can do a whole lot better than we are. And if we did that—along with common standards and social policies that support families—we could start to break out of the cycle of low performance and increased pressure and political backlash that we're currently in, and move toward a world where education is more trust-driven, less complicated, and more effective all around.
Friday, December 12, 2008
Which Teachers?
Louisiana has been quietly doing just that for its graduates of teacher education programs. Starting with mandatory re-designs in 2000-2003, the state now has the capacity to track teacher effectiveness by their educational program. In other words, parents, principals, and policymakers are able to make some informed decisions about which teachers they would want in their classrooms. The most recent review came out this week, and here's the verdict on teachers entering the profession through The New Teacher Project:
The New Teacher Project prepared new teachers whose students, demonstrated achievement in four content areas (i.e., science, mathematics, language arts, and reading) that was comparable or above the growth of achievement demonstrated by children taught by certified professionals who had taught two or more years. Achievement of student learning in one content area (i.e., social studies) was comparable to the growth of achievement of students taught by other new teachers.Compare that to results like this one:
The University of Louisiana at Lafayette and the Louisiana Resource Center for Educators each had one content area where student achievement was less than that of new teachers. In the content area of language arts, the University of Louisiana at Lafayette program performed at a level where there was evidence that new teachers were less effective than average new teachers but the difference was not statistically significant. In the content area of reading the Louisiana Resource Center for Educators program performed at a level that was statistically significantly less effective than new teachers.These are very important findings, and they control for student, family, school, and classroom characteristics. The project's next step will be to attempt to answer the why of the results. And, hopefully in the near future, we'll see other states link student growth data with teacher education programs.
Eduwonk's take here. NY Times editorial board here.
Balance
Thursday, December 11, 2008
The Big Picture
Wednesday, December 10, 2008
Duncan's Data

Since Duncan took over in 2001, Chicago has made statistically significant progress in fourth and eighth grade math and fourth grade reading scores. They're up across all subjects and grades for low-income students, students with disabilities, and English Language Learners (ELL). Low-income students narrowed achievement gaps in all but fourth grade math, while students enrolled in special education and ELL students closed gaps in both eighth grade subjects.
To Eduwonkette's point, the racial achievement gaps have not narrowed as much as we'd like, but blacks are scoring higher in 3/4 categories and Hispanics on all four.
Do these data cement Duncan's candidacy or disqualify it? Neither, really, but probably more the former than the latter.
Another Californian Unemployed
Tier Ducks
First, TIMSS should not be used merely for rankings. While it's technically accurate to say the US had the ninth highest score in 8th grade math, for example, just that number alone does not do justice to the truth. Five countries (Chinese Taipei, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Japan) scored significantly above us, five countries scored about where we did (Hungary, England, Russia, Lithuania, and the Czech Republic), and 37 countries scored well below us (including places like Australia, Sweden, and Norway). Similar tiers exist across fourth and eighth grades for math and science.
The results are meant to show interesting across-time comparisons as well, and in that respect, we're doing quite well. Our scores have risen both in raw numbers and against the average. At the same time, we've also narrowed gaps in mathematics since 1995 for blacks and whites, whites and Hispanics, and low- and high-achievers:
- 4th grade white-black gap fell from 84 to 67
- 4th grade white-Hispanic gap fell from 48 to 46
- 8th grade white-black gap fell from 97 to 76
- 8th grade white-Hispanic gap fell from 73 to 58
Edu-Jobs
Tuesday, December 09, 2008
Finland Cont'd.
We're moving our way through the Finnish education system chronologically, starting with early childcare centers on Monday, lower secondary yesterday, upper secondary today, and higher education later in the week. The school we visited yesterday is in the part of town where many recent immigrants live and thus belies Finland's reputation for total racial / ethnic homogeneity. The biggest immigrant populations, we are told, come from Russia, Estonia, and Somalia. Oh, and Iraqi refugees of course, which is just wonderful to contemplate as an American.
Equality
Convicted
Monday, December 08, 2008
The Ryan Leaf Syndrome

Making professional sports predictions based on collegiate (and sometimes high school) success is notoriously difficult. Gladwell uses the especially difficult case of NFL quarterbacks to make his point: NFL teams, despite watching hours of live game films and testing players' speed, agility, strength, and intelligence, still are pretty bad at predicting which quarterbacks will eventually be successful in the pros. They make horrible decisions based on their faulty decision-making that have real consequences for their franchise.
Take the case of Ryan Leaf, a wildly successful college quarterback for the Washington State Cougars. The San Diego Chargers traded three draft picks, a reserve linebacker, and a Pro-Bowl running back to move up one space, from second to third, just to have the right to draft Leaf in 1998. The Indianapolis Colts were drafting #1, and there was serious debate about whether they should opt for Leaf or the other top quarterback in the draft, a guy by the name of Peyton Manning. The Colts took Manning, the Chargers Leaf, and one became a household name. But before we knew which one it would be, the Chargers believed they had a franchise quarterback. They lavished Leaf with a four-year, $31 million contract and an $11 million signing bonus. Before beginning his first season, Leaf said he was, "looking forward to a 15 year career, a couple of trips to the Super Bowl, and a parade through downtown San Diego."
Leaf started the 1999 season well, becoming only the third rookie quarterback in history to lead his team to a 2-0 (preseason) start. But by his third game, Leaf managed to complete just one of his 15 passes. It went for only four yards, and he fumbled three times. He was benched after nine games in which he threw 13 interceptions compared to only two touchdowns. After bouncing around the league, Leaf was forced to retire in disgrace at the age of 26.
This is what happens when an organization bases their personnel decisions completely on what happened in the past. Leaf had all the tools--he threw the ball with speed and precision, had succeeded in major college sports, and had the body to withstand the demands of the National Football League--but he couldn't cut it, and his team suffered the consequences.
Contract that experience with how financial advisers are recruited. As anyone who's seen The Pursuit of Happyness or read Gladwell's piece understands, financial advisers have few input requirements. Instead, they're chosen through a highly competitive process. A wide open field of candidates--the guy highlighted in Gladwell's article regularly interviews at least 20 candidates per job opening--are whittled down based on work habits, not necessarily on their education credentials. Then, after an intensive review period, they are given an apprentice role. After another three or four years, the firm is finally in possession of what it considers high-quality financial advisers. This is a lengthy and expensive process, and it requires extensive human capital development and a comprehensive system for sorting high- and low-achievers.
If we apply these lessons to human capital development in education, we start to understand that the traditional teacher professionalization model is backward. We shouldn't even try to sort out the difference between the Ryan Leafs and the Peyton Mannings of the teaching world. Instead, we should break down barriers to entry, encourage high-quality applicants from diverse backgrounds, and use some initial criteria to sort applicants based on work ethic and intelligence, but then focus most of of our attention on what happens on the job. Until school districts have the data and political courage to do so, they'll be like NFL teams choosing between Tim Tebow, Sam Bradford, Colt McCoy, Graham Harrell, or Chase Daniel. They're all fine, but which one will be great and which one will be Ryan Leaf?
Reason to Worry
But this situation isn't just the result of another credit crunch in need of a bailout. In fact, private loan debt was too easy to get for a while, meaning that many students who could not afford large, high-priced student loans were getting them anyway. In that sense, the recent restriction of private lending is a correction to the market (much like the reduction in subprime home loans). And, during the time of easy credit, many colleges engaged in some convoluted tuition pricing - raising the sticker price while providing lots of merit aid to recruit high scoring students.
Basken quotes Daniel Meyers, president of First Marblehead, a leading private loan company, as saying that "colleges are experiencing 'this very strange effect' where more than 1,000 institutions are 'all trying to charge $45,000 or $46,000 a year, most very unsuccessfully...and consumers have woken up to be much more discerning people'." More discerning consumers are not a bad thing - before the credit crunch, many students were able to take on a lot of debt for a degree that wasn't worth the price tag.
When we return to more normal credit markets, hopefully both lenders and students will have become more discerning consumers, with lenders doing a better job of assessing student risk factors and the value of degrees, and with students thinking critically about whether a particular college is really worth a $45,000 price tag.
Helsinki...
Friday, December 05, 2008
Finland Bound
Are Value-Added Effectiveness Measures Good Enough to Use for Compensation Decisions?
Reformers have been waiting for longitudinal data systems to be implemented to provide value-added data to support improvements to compensation and retention decisions. The data is now there in several states, but the quality of the new information may not be as good as many of us had hoped. Just before Thanksgiving, two new studies were released that show the lack of stability of value-added measures of teacher effectiveness over time. The first by Dan Goldhaber looks at North Carolina data to see if pre-tenure teacher effectiveness (measured by the value-added gain of a teacher’s students) is a good predictor of their effectiveness post-tenure (here). The study showed that a teacher ranked in the bottom quintile of teacher effectiveness has a 32 percent chance of being in the bottom quintile post-tenure. While this is better than random (random would be around 20 percent), it is not much better than random. At the same time, 11 percent of the poor performers pre-tenure (bottom quintile) end up being in the top quintile post-tenure. The measure is a little more consistent at identifying top performers – 46 percent of top performers are top performers post-tenure (see Table 1 for all measures of pre and post value-added effectiveness). Goldhaber also looked at using the first 3-years of data to predict outcomes, and the predictive power does not change much.
Table_1a.pdf
A second paper by Tim Sass shows similar results from California and Florida studies. (here)
This paper focuses on whether value added measures of teacher quality are stable enough to use for compensation decisions. It shows similar results as the Goldhaber study over time. The lack of stability over time may not be surprising given the group of students a teacher gets each year is random. The data can not measure whether a teacher had a particularly disruptive class in the first year, and a better group of students the next. So, the randomness of classroom make-up may have a lot to do with these results. The Sass study shows that while measurable, student characteristics explain some of the differences in value-added effectiveness, but most of the differences across time are unexplained (See Table 2 for complete effectiveness measures).
figure_2.pdf
The part of the Sass study that caused me the greatest concern was how inconsistent these value-added measures are across tests. Students in Florida take two tests annually. They take a low stakes norm-referenced test and a high stakes standard-aligned test. Sass looks at how stable these value-added measures are across these two tests. So for this comparison, the random draw of students is the same for any given teacher. While these results look a little more stable (43% of bottom quintile teachers remain in the bottom quintile on the other exam), they are not as stable as you would hope. If just switching the exam moves 5 percent of teachers from the bottom of the distribution to the top, it would likely make teachers question the validity of the measure reflecting true effectiveness.
These papers and a few others suggest that value-added measures are not very consistent over time, and may not be the panacea for which some reformer have been hoping.
How Good is Good Enough? Now you would think that the bar for improving teacher compensation and tenure decisions would be pretty low. The current compensation structure is based almost exclusively on a teacher’s years of experience and college credits/advance degrees. Advance degrees have been consistently shown to have no impact of teacher effectiveness. For experience, teachers appear to improve their craft slightly over the first two to three years, but additional experience does not seem to have any impact. Clearly moving to value-added compensation could more accurately reward effective teachers than the current system. However, if a compensation system were based partially on these value added measure, I think that teachers would perceive the outcomes above as too arbitrary. It also makes me think that principals and mentor teachers could do a better job of predicting effectiveness than last year’s test results. (See Brian Jacobs on this question – principals seem to do pretty well on the identifying teachers at the top and bottom of the distribution, but their measurement is less predictive than prior year’s value-added (here). Of course this is not an either or choice. Can principals armed with value-added test results do an even better job than either one alone? What about a combination of principal evaluations, mentor teacher evaluations and value-added? Are there more rigorous evaluation methods like those of the Teacher Advancement Program or others better predictors than the value-added measures? (See Ed Sector Report on Teacher Evaluation here) As with all good research, it leads to more research. And with Gates interested in these topics, more research is likely to be on its way.
Thursday, December 04, 2008
Two Steps Back
First, the 1st District Court of Appeals in Florida ruled that a 2006 law creating the Florida Schools of Excellence Commission conflicts with the Florida state constitution. According to the court, the Commission, which would be an independent, statewide office established to approve and support charter schools, was unconstitutional because the Florida constitution limits oversight of charter schools to local school districts.
Well, it looks like it's time to change the Florida constitution. A growing body of research shows that having, in addition to local school districts, one or more professional authorizers whose sole focus is approving and overseeing charter schools makes for a healthier and higher quality charter school sector. In fact, a 2006 ES report on Florida charter schools stated that the proposed Schools of Excellence Commission, "will likely reduce the number of appeals to the State Board and relieve unwilling sponsors of their chartering responsibilities while significantly improving the quality and transparency of authorizing across the state."
And the second piece of bad news is the bailout bill passed in the House Education Committee in Michigan which allowed Detroit to keep it's "first class school district" status (reducing the enrollment threshold from 100,000 students to 60,000 students) and thereby limiting the opening of new charter schools in the district. As we've reported, maintenance is required among Michigan's charter schools, but a blunt limit on opening new charter schools does nothing to improve the quality of charter schools or the quality of Detroit Public Schools.
Darling-Hammond Unbound
The KAPPAN piece provides a valuable window on her thinking. She's indeed not a fan of NCLB-brand multiple-choice testing. "NCLB reinforced using test-based accountability to raise achievement, yet the US has fallen further behind on international assessments of student learing since the law was passed in 2001," she declares at the top of the article.
Darling-Hammond has spent a lot of time studying the teaching and testing systems of high achieving industrialized countries and likes them better than ours. Among other things, she says, they teach fewer topics in greater depth; focus more on reasoning skills and applications of knowledge rather than on coverage of content; and rely heavily on open-ended questions "that require students to analyze, apply knowledge, and write extensively," in contrast to US tests that "rely primarily on multiple-choice items that evalute recall and recognition of discreet facts." She's right about that.
Darling-Hammond points approvingly to a "growing emphasis" in high-performing countries on "project-based, inquiry-oriented learning" that has led "to an increasing prominence for school-based tasks, which include research projects, science investigations, development of products and reports or presentations about these efforts"--so-called performance tests. The bulk of the article (written with co-author Laura McClosky) describes approvingly locally administered peformance assessment in countries ranging from Finland to Australia, Hong Kong, Sweden, and the UK.
There's little doubt that LDH would push to introduce these kinds of assessments into US public education if she were to have a senior role in the Obama administration: We need, she writes, "a new vision of assessment" in American education. To the extent that testing drives teaching, that would be a good thing.
The question is whether she would push to incorporate performance tests into NCLB-style statewide testing systems, or try to move testing down to the local level.
In writing that "the policy community has little understanding about how systems of assessment for learning might be constructed and managed at scale," she is acknowledging the challenges of using performance testing under the NCLB system, cost and scoring reliability chief among them. One thing she might do if she goes to work for Obama would be to have the federal government sponsor an effort to address the difficulties of doing performance testing at scale, and give states financial incentives for using such tests. Given the growing consensus that well-crafted performance assessments would represent a big step towards teaching students the higher-order thinking skills that they need today (Darling-Hammond points out that US students score lower on problem-solving that their international counterparts), this would be a smart investment--and a refreshing change from the Bush administration's hear-no-evil, see-no-evil stance on test quality.
Another possible policy solution, she implies elsewhere in the article, would be to include performance-based local assessments into "overall examination scoring systems." That's what several of the countries she has studied do.
The big question for supporters of NCLB's statewide standardized testing systems is whether performance assessments would be used for holding educators accountable for student achievement. Much edu-blood was spilled over that question a year ago, when Rep. George Miller included the notion of local assessments in a draft NCLB reauthorization bill.The combatants eventually withdrew from the field and the Miller draft was decommissioned.
But it's clear that Darling-Hammond is ambivalent about using performance testing to hold educators accountable for student achievment. She notes that the countries she has studied "do not use their examination systems to rank or punish schools or to deny diplomas to students." Finland, she writes, "has no external standardized tests to rank students or schools." Instead, she writes approvingly, the testing systems in Finland and other countries are closely linked to efforts to develop teachers' ability to teach higher-level skills to their students; they are part of the countries' human capital strategies.
So, if Barack Obama gives Linda Darling Hammond a major role in his administration, we're going to have a big policy debate over testing in American education and whether we should move beyond NCLB accountability to something potentially very different. Such a debate wouldn't be a bad thing.
Harvard's Endowment Falls to $29 Billion
They've suffered a large financial loss on paper, but so have the rest of us, and lawmakers shouldn't let the economic downturn curtail efforts for endowment sanity.
The Rachel Maddow Show
Tuesday, December 02, 2008
Oxygen
My co-worker and I are talking about this trend, and she suggested a metaphor that might contrast the line. Whenever you board a plane, she points out, they go through a long safety ritual. "Please note your nearest exit rows" and "fasten your belt by inserting the buckle and pulling tight on the remaining cord." They also insist that, in the case of an emergency, adults secure their own oxygen masks before attending to their children. Despite the best instincts of parents, this policy actually makes some sense. There's no point in having a bunch of adults trying to help out their children first and fainting in the process. Better to secure their own safety in order to be in a position to help those who need it.
It's an extreme metaphor to be sure, but it actually makes some sense in the context to long-struggling urban education systems. They're bad, they've been bad, and they're crashing for whole segments of the population. But it isn't just the students that need help--district finance, curricula, infrastructure, technology, etc. are all suffering--and adults who try to rush in without fixing some of these problems first will just faint and flounder. They'll have no air.
I'm generally sympathetic to what Rhee is trying to do: she's going after the adults in the system who have long settled for complacency and demographics to explain why DC's public schools have been so bad. But in an effort to test the all-publicity-is-good-publicity theory, she's lobbing fireballs like this one, from last week's Time piece:
Rhee is, as a rule, far nicer to students than to most adults. In many private encounters with officials, bureaucrats and even fundraisers--who have committed millions of dollars to help her reform the schools--she doesn't smile or nod or do any of the things most people do to put others at ease. She reads her BlackBerry when people talk to her. I have seen her walk out of small meetings held for her benefit without a word of explanation. She says things most superintendents would not. "The thing that kills me about education is that it's so touchy-feely," she tells me one afternoon in her office. Then she raises her chin and does what I come to recognize as her standard imitation of people she doesn't respect. Sometimes she uses this voice to imitate teachers; other times, politicians or parents. Never students. "People say, 'Well, you know, test scores don't take into account creativity and the love of learning,'" she says with a drippy, grating voice, lowering her eyelids halfway. Then she snaps back to herself. "I'm like, 'You know what? I don't give a crap.' Don't get me wrong. Creativity is good and whatever. But if the children don't know how to read, I don't care how creative you are. You're not doing your job."
Kevin doesn't like the magazine cover's title ("How to Fix America's Schools"). But it's not just the title. The cover itself is Rhee looking stern in a classroom, dressed in black, holding a broom, suggesting she'll sweep away problems. Quotes like the one above and the cover photo--two things Rhee had complete control over--are the things that test the publicity theory. Like the plane crash metaphor,"interests of children" advocates need to be careful how much they say and do, or else they may find they're lacking air.
Competition on Quality, Service, and Price

Luckily, consumer preferences can change. Automobile companies told Ralph Nader that safety didn't sell. He shamed them into understanding it can, and now car commercials are as much about side-impact safety beams as they are about horsepower. The automotive industry wasn't about fuel economy when gas prices were cheap, but all of a sudden we're seeing advertisements extolling a vehicle's miles per gallon. Ford went to Congress today hat in hand promising to develop electric vehicles and sell the Hummer brand.

For more on this topic and many others, listen to today's Education Sector event, "Is Technology the Answer to Rising College Costs," below:

Generalizability
Monday, December 01, 2008
Brainstorm
Edison-Go-Round
Stecz apparently didn't. He was working in management at Pharmacia, the $14-billion heathcare company with products that included Celebrex and Nicorette, when Liberty recruited him to be Edison’s COO in 2004. He became Edison’s CEO when Liberty pushed Whittle out of the company’s management in early 2007. Stecz struggled, with little apparent success, to shake off Edison troubled legacy as a controversial, unprofitable school management company, going so far as to change the company’s name earlier this year from Edison Schools, Inc, to EdisonLearning and announce a move into on-line education.
Whittle hasn’t fared much better that his successor. The high-living entrepreneur set out to launch an international network of high-end for-profit private schools when he left Edison in early 2007, only to depart his new company, Nations Academy, last summer in the wake of a falling out with his major investor, Sunny Varkey of Dubai.
Whittle is reportedly planning a new for-profit private school business. And he’s trying to raise some cash. He’s put up for sale for $27 million a guest house and a third of the property on his 11 acre estate on Georgia Pond in the Hamptons. Six years ago, when Edison’s stock crashed and the company nearly went under, Whittle sought to sell the entire estate, where the neighbors include Steven Spielberg and Martha Stewart, for $45 million, before taking the property off the market when Liberty bought Edison.
18th Century Skills
Not unlike Mr. Franklin, teachers gather quasi-quantitative data about students every day. Doing so can be as simple as a system of behavior checks and minuses. But unless that data is captured consistently over time and communicated to all of the adults who work with that student, we miss opportunities to identify trends and correlations that can help us serve students better and assess the impact of our interventions. Technology has the potential to make such information easier to capture and quantify as well as to provide improved tools of analysis and communication. Wireless Generation, for example, develops simple ways for teachers, students and others to capture quasi-quantitative information about academic and social indicators on hand held devices. Having the information digitized makes it easy to identify trends and correlations.

Imagine if digital tools that could highlight a correlation between lapses in Temperance and Chastity had been available to Mr. Franklin.